By: Nana Karikari, Senior Global Affairs Correspondent
What we covered here:
- The “Moneycracy” Crisis: A deep dive into the monetization of both NPP and NDC internal primaries.
- The Constitutional Anchor: Explicit analysis of Articles 45 and 46, framing the OSP’s intervention as a defense of the “Sovereign Will” and the 1992 Constitution.
- Administrative Collision: The high-stakes timeline as the EC’s Feb 9–11 filing window and the IPAC summit clash with the OSP’s investigative findings.
- Violence vs. Accountability: Contextualizing the assault on state investigators within the dark history of the “Ghost of Ayawaso” and the President’s subsequent diplomatic recall.
- Internal Legislative Revolt: The growing rift within the NDC leadership as the caucus demands a total annulment of results.
The recent collision between entrenched political traditions and modern anti-corruption mandates has moved from a series of isolated electoral incidents to a systemic test of the rule of law in Ghana. By scrutinizing the internal mechanisms of both major parties—the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC)—and sanctioning a high-ranking diplomat, the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) is no longer merely reacting to reports of misconduct; it is actively putting the institutional health of the nation’s democracy on trial.
This dual-track investigation follows the NPP presidential primaries on January 31 and the NDC contest in Ayawaso East on February 7. The scrutiny extends beyond the ballot box to a grave allegation of physical violence against a state investigator, marking a volatile chapter in the nation’s political evolution. This tension mounts as the country heads toward a critical by-election on March 3 to fill the seat of the late MP Naser Toure Mahama, who passed away on January 4, 2026.
The EC Mandate: Administrative Deadlines and IPAC Oversight
The Electoral Commission (EC) has designated February 9 to February 11 as the mandatory window for receiving nomination forms at the Ayawaso East Municipal Office at North Ridge. Parallel to this filing window, the EC has summoned the Inter-Party Advisory Committee (IPAC) for a high-stakes meeting on Wednesday, February 11, 2026, at 11:00 a.m. at its Accra headquarters. These dates create a collision course between administrative filing and investigative findings, as parties are restricted to two delegates for the session. This rigid timeline signals the EC’s commitment to the March 3 vote despite the legal clouds over the candidates.
The NPP: Monetization and Strategic Critique
The NPP investigation represents a historic shift in the OSP’s oversight. Critics argue the expansion of the electoral college to 211,000 delegates merely inflated the “price” of the presidency, moving the OSP to focus heavily on the “sources of funding” for high-spend flagbearer contests. The OSP is investigating allegations of organized cash distribution and the suspected use of state-aligned resources to bolster Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s victory. Richard Ahiagbah, NPP Director of Communications, described the opposition’s conduct as “glaring and egregious,” stating it “distorts democracy and minimizes the impact of citizen power in shaping the country’s development.”
The NDC: Accountability and Localized Conduct
While the NPP probe focuses on high-level finance, the investigation into the NDC’s Ayawaso East primary centers on material inducements. Allegations against winner Mohammed Baba Jamal Ahmed involve the distribution of 32-inch television sets alongside food items, including “boiled eggs,” to influence voter choice. By focusing on these “tangible bribes,” the OSP aims to set a legal precedent that grassroots philanthropy cannot mask electoral corruption. As the OSP emphasized, “The law prohibits corrupt acts in relation to public elections. It is a serious offence to engage in vote buying, vote selling, intimidation, threats of violence, and acts of violence.”
The Legality of Influence and the Culture of Inducement
Ghanaian law is explicit regarding the boundaries of electoral persuasion. Section 256 of the Criminal Offences Act and Article 33 of the Representation of the People Law forbid the corruption or intimidation of voters. While candidates often frame material
support as traditional hospitality, the OSP’s focus is on the intent behind these gestures and the “sources of funding” for such acts. The investigation into the distribution of 32-inch television sets and “boiled eggs” in Ayawaso East challenges a long-standing culture that frequently blurs the line between philanthropy and inducement.
The Ghost of Ayawaso: Security and Historical Precedents
The current tension is exacerbated by the dark history of by-elections in the region, most notably the 2019 Ayawaso West Wuogon violence. Observers fear that the alleged assault on an OSP investigator signals a return to “strongman” tactics where physical intimidation shields political actors. This historical context transforms the OSP’s probe from a financial audit into a critical security mission to prevent electoral violence from marring the March 3 poll.
Violence Against the State and the Rule of Law
The alleged assault on an OSP officer—reportedly abetted by candidate Mohammed Baba Jamal Ahmed—is a direct affront to the state’s investigative authority. Assaulting an authorized officer in the line of duty carries severe legal repercussions. The OSP has opened a separate inquiry into the assault of an authorized officer “in the performance of his functions,” making it clear that “no individual is above the reach of the law,” and reinforcing that constitutional protections extend to the investigators themselves.
The Constitution: Safeguarding the Sovereign Will
Under Article 45 and 46 of the 1992 Constitution, the integrity of the electoral process is paramount. While the Electoral Commission supervises the mechanics, the OSP acts as the enforcement arm against the corrupt subversion of this constitutional right. This alleged assault represents a physical attack on the very institutions designed to protect the constitutional order and the “Sovereign Will of the People” through Universal Adult Suffrage.
Defense, Denial, and Executive Decisiveness
Mr. Ahmed has categorically denied all allegations, asking the media: “So if you give television sets to people, what is wrong with it… Is this the first time I am giving things to people?” He maintained that the ethical failing lies with the voter: “It is not the gift; it is allowing that gift to influence your vote that makes it wrong.” Despite his defense and claim of providing GH₵ 2.5 million in free loans previously, President John Dramani Mahama immediately recalled him as High Commissioner to Nigeria. The Presidency stated it was “necessary to act decisively to preserve the integrity of public office and to avoid any perception of impropriety.”
Legislative Revolt and Committee Realignment
The fallout escalated on February 8 as the NDC Majority Caucus in Parliament demanded the immediate cancellation of the primary. Majority Leader Mahama Ayariga signed a statement condemning the allegations as an “affront to the party’s ethical standards.” Ayariga subsequently stepped down from the internal probe committee, describing his continued role as “untenable” given his public stance. Former Minister Inusah Fuseini has replaced him, joining Kofi Totobi Quakyi and Emefa Fugah to finalize a report by the February 10 deadline to recommend “sustainable measures and reforms.”
The Burden of the Ballot and Public Pulse
Social commentators argue that “boiled egg” incidents reflect a deeper systemic issue where voters feel they only benefit from the political class during elections. Public reaction is divided: Lebene Gavor, a petty trader, supports the probe so “only the highest bidder” does not lead, while artisan Yoofi Adams asks why the OSP focuses on “small gifts” when “people are struggling.” A neutral community leader noted the difficulty in “deciding when a gift becomes a bribe.”
Institutional Attrition: A Turning Point for Governance
This investigation marks the most aggressive confrontation between the OSP and the political class. By targeting the “sources of funding” for internal primaries, the OSP is attacking the engine of political mobilization. The outcome will determine whether Ghana’s democratic values are merely ornamental or truly functional. In a region facing democratic backsliding, Ghana’s ability to police its own political elite serves as a blueprint for the rule of law across the continent.
